Second Life and Death: Political Violence and a Virtual World
by
Tim Stevens
(L19395)
Supervisor: Professor Theo Farrell
Candidate’s Signature:
Total length excluding cover, table of contents and bibliography is
,
words.
Contents ____________________________________________________________
Acknowledgements
1. Introduction ……………………………….……….……….….……….……………. …..…..….…..……..
1
1.1
Second Life and Security…………………………………………….…… ………….
1
1.2
Overview …………………………………………………………………………………….
3
1.3
Methodology ……………………………………………………………………………….
4
2. Forms and Functions of Violence …………………………………………………………………...
5
2.1
Forms of Violence ……………………………………………………………………….
5
2.2
Functions of Violence ………………………………………………………………….
7
3. Experiencing Virtual Violence …………………………………………………………..……………
10
3.1
Virtuality …………………………………………………………………………………….
10
3.2
Violence ………………………………………………………………………………………
15
4. Case Studies ………………………………………………………………………………………………......
18
4.1
The War of Jessie Wall ………………………………………………………………..
18
4.2
Second Life Liberation Army ………………………………………………………
27
4.3
‘Because I Hate Front National’ …………………………………………………...
39
5. Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………………………………………..
48
Bibliography ……………………………………………………………………………………………………..
53
Acknowledgements _________________________________________________
The author thanks the following for their insights and assistance: David Betz, Neville Bolt, )ain
Coyne, Ryan Evans, Chiara Fonio, Roderick Jones, Anatol Lieven, Brian Mennecke, Peter
Neumann, John Postill, Johnny Ryan and, particularly, my supervisor Theo Farrell. Special
gratitude is offered to Luisa Element, without whom none of this would have been possible.
1 ________________________________________________________________________
Introduction
1.1
Second Life and Security
Second Life SL is perhaps the best known example of a virtual world, an online graphical
environment accessed through computers, in which users explore and create new places, and
often new personalities, in conjunction with millions of others separated by geographical
distance but brought together by the global internet. Within Second Life, users residents , in
SL‐speak socialise and interact in ways almost as unique and varied as in the real world,
mediated through visual representations known as avatars . Since its public launch in
population of SL has grown to nearly
within any given month. Since
the
million, of which about a million are active inworld
there have been many reports of activities in Second Life
that have been intended or interpreted as violence. Since
, the word terrorism , possibly le
mot du siècle, has been used to describe some of these events, particularly in the popular media,
but also by residents themselves. Significantly, SL is alleged to have become a virtual sanctuary
for real‐world violent actors such as al‐Qaeda.
)n response to the global changes wrought by burgeoning information communications
technology )CT much recent political, security and media discourse has focused on potential
conflict spaces opened up by the expansion of human activities in the virtual arena. Whilst
most users of the internet, for example, do so for peaceful and socially beneficial purposes,
others of more nefarious and criminal inclinations profit from the exploitation of virtual spaces
for their own ends. The resulting dilemma of the technological commons is at the heart of
http://secondlife.com/statistics/economy‐data.php, accessed July
Cornish et al
, p. .
.
1
serious considerations given these issues by security agencies and politicians alike, as well as
being a source of public disquiet occasionally manipulated by power elites for political
purposes. Clear examples of the significance accorded to cyberthreats occurred in mid‐
when both the US and UK published preliminary cyber security strategies aimed at public
protection and infrastructure security.
Violence as a media phenomenon has a history as long as media themselves. Public debate
continues in the
st‐century over the explicit violence of video and online games, although the
causal links between play violence and real‐world violence remain tenuous at best.
Many
games are wholly contingent upon violence as a means of progression in the gamespace. An
increasing number of virtual worlds are coming online, many of which are gameworlds in which
violence is an integral and desirable characteristic of social activity.
The development of virtual worlds as loci of human interaction and emergent behaviour has
followed the evolution of computer‐mediated communication since the early
s, long before
the internet became the ubiquitous household and commercial tool it is today. As such they are
legitimate foci of sociological and anthropological study. Not only are they communities in their
own right, with distinct rules, customs and language, but they are intimately tied to the
exponential increase in digital forms of communication and interaction that characterise the
new media environment, and which consistently disquiets governments and security agencies.
Violence, often of political significance, is part of the landscape of virtual worlds and is also of
concern when it could be used as a platform for the commission of violence in the external,
physical world.
Cabinet Office
Trend
, National Security Council
2
1.2
Overview
) shall describe forms of violence as manifested in Second Life since its inception, using three
case studies to illustrate their social and political characteristics. ) will attempt to ascertain
what we can learn from these events that can help illuminate the evolving relationship between
cyberspace and violence. )n particular ) address four key research questions:
•
•
•
•
What forms does violence take in virtual worlds?
What functions does violence serve in virtual worlds?
(ow do people experience violence in virtual worlds?
Does violence in virtual worlds matter?
Chapter
reviews the literature on the forms and functions of violence in order to provide an
intellectual framework for an analysis of violence. Chapter
will focus on the nature of
virtuality and its links with physicality, and proposes a theoretical basis for how people
experience violence in virtual spaces. Chapter
describes and discusses three case studies: the
War of Jessie Wall, the Second Life Liberation Army, and protests surrounding Front National.
Chapter
concludes by discussing the key characteristics of violence in Second Life and
assessing its significance and potential implications.
3
1.3
Methodology
The main analysis focuses on the Chapter
case studies.
These were selected for their
relevance to the topic, and their potential for addressing the proposed research questions. All
three cases are relatively well‐known within Second Life circles and have been mentioned in the
press and other publications. They have not yet been accorded more than passing scholarly
attention however, so available sources are mainly news media and online records. These
include forums, web documents, blogs, and inworld newspapers like New World Notes and the
Alphaville Herald. Every care has been taken to establish authenticity and veracity and all texts
have been treated with as much care as more traditional documents.
See Mitra & Cohen
4
2 ________________________________________________________________________
Forms and Functions of Violence
2.1
Forms of Violence
The anthropologist David Riches has written, The question, what qualifies as violence ? , in
fact has no absolute answer .
There are nearly as many definitions and interpretations of
violence as there are analyses of this phenomenon, a common problem with endemic
characteristics of human culture. For example, the International Journal of Conflict and Violence
lists the number of academic disciplines dealing with violence in its various forms: sociology,
political science, education, social psychology, criminology, ethnology, history, political
philosophy, urban studies, economics, and the study of religions .
One might also add art,
linguistics, music, and many other fields examining human expression and behaviour.
Clearly, violence cannot simply be equated with war or conflict, even if their principal
characteristic may indeed be violence. Conflict can occur without violence, and many of the
functions of war may be non‐violent. Riches maintains that the primary sense of the term refers
solely to matters of contested physical hurt , contested due to the differing views of the
perpetrator, victim and witnesses as regards its legitimacy, which obviously differ according to
social and cultural context. For most analysts of conflict, violence remains tied to physicality.
Stathis Kalyvas asserts that violence is the deliberation infliction of physical harm on non‐
combatants and civilians. Kalyvas also lists various actions that comprise the broad spectrum
of physical violence, including robbery, vandalism, arson, kidnapping, detention, beating,
Riches
, p.
.
http://www.ijcv.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id= &)temid=
.
Riches, op. cit., p.
, original italics.
Kalyvas
; see also Graham & Gurr
, p.xxvii, Tilly
, p.
.
, accessed
June
5
torture, mutilation and rape, in addition to homicide, intentional or otherwise.
Murder,
regardless of its various legal formulations, is considered the ultimate transgressive act of
violence due to its irreversible nature.
)n War and Genocide, Martin Shaw asserts that the core meaning of violence is the imposition of
harm ; homicide is merely the logical extreme of harm.
There are, therefore, other forms of
violence which might be considered secondary in non‐physical senses of the term. Bourdieu s
formulation of violence is any act resulting in psychological anguish .
Johan Galtung is the
principal living theorist of structural violence inherent in hierarchical social structures,
responsible for socio‐economic oppression leading to poverty and inequality.
Bourdieu would
add symbolic violence manifest as threats of violence and other social and economic
constraints.
harm.
Riches also suggests forms of witchcraft which sometimes involve physical
There is also ritual violence, ideological enactments that include circumcision, games
and, perhaps, violent media.
Drawing on the work of David Riches and Maurice Bloch, anthropologist Jon Abbink employs a
loose conception of violence in his fieldwork, in which violence consists of the human use of
symbols and of acts of intimidation and/or damaging – potentially lethal – physical force against
living beings to gain or maintain dominance .
By explicitly restoring communicative and
psychological elements to an inclusive definition of violence, Abbink opens up space to examine
forms of violence that might lie outside the narrow purview of security studies, ones not
necessarily contingent on the infliction of physical harm.
Kalyvas, ibid., p. .
Sofsky
Shaw
, p.
.
Bourdieu
Galtung
,
Bourdieu & Wacquant
Riches, op. cit., p.
; de Boeck
Riches, op. cit., p.
, see also Gardner & (eider
Abbink
, p. , Bloch
, Riches, op. cit.
6
2.2
Functions of violence
Carl Friedrich distinguishes between systemically functional violence that preserves the social
order and dysfunctional violence that destroys it.
This is a useful distinction but alone is
insufficient to characterise all functions of violence. (annah Arendt distinguishes between
violence and the similar concepts of power, force and strength.
Arendt treats violence as
separate, indeed antithetical, to politics, unlike (obbes, Machiavelli and Weber, for whom
violence is an integral and necessary component of the exercise of political power.
She also
critiques Sartre and Fanon s justifications of violence as existential and biological expressions of
humanity.
For Arendt, the instrumentality of violence is what distinguishes it from these
others; she characterises the extreme form of violence as
one against all , which
instruments/tools are necessary to achieve, although violence is inherently unpredictable and
therefore of limited utility.
One might suggest that a nuclear weapon in the hands of terrorists
would be an ultimate expression of Arendt s formulation.
Arendt s separation of violence from politics has been widely criticised,
and most literature
concerning political violence allows for the interweaving of power, politics and violence.
Political violence is a common term that encompasses a wide range of actions from individual
hate crimes, mass protests, civil war and genocide, and, like its most over‐used synonym,
terrorism, continues to defy satisfactory definition. Ted Gurr defines political violence simply as
a collective attack within a political community against a political regime .
For Paul
Wilkinson, political violence is the deliberate infliction or threat of infliction of physical injury
or damage for political ends , but which can also occur unintentionally in the course of severe
Friedrich
Arendt
, pp. ‐ .
Weber
, (obbes
Machiavelli
Sartre
, Fanon
,
Arendt, op. cit., pp. ‐ .
Breen
, Frazer & (utchings
Gurr
, pp. ‐ .
7
political conflict .
Donatella della Porta prefers political violence as a particular repertoire of
collective action that involve[s] physical force, considered at that time as illegitimate in the
dominant culture .
Terrorism is usually considered the paradigmatic form of political violence, although other
types such as rioting, violent confrontation and property damage also fall within the broad
understanding of political violence as violence outside its normal use in inter‐state warfare or
the inter national administration of justice.
Although some authors suggest that certain
terrorists have moved beyond politics into an ethical realm,
instrumental function to most terrorism and political violence.
there is evidently a political and
Political violence is different therefore from forms of expressive violence devoid of explicit
political intent. Drawing on Gilligan s psychiatric work with American violent criminals, David
Keen proposes that violence can be a reaction to shame and humiliation, either by individuals
or, in his interpretation, states, as in the reaction of the US to /
.
This form of displaced
violence implies a disconnect between problem and solution when the targets of violence are
not the source of the initial humiliation. )n the case of the war on terror , discourses of
prevention and democracy might mask the fact that the violence of, in Keen s example, Abu
Ghraib, can be an end in itself, rather than the means to achieve a political aim.
)t is expressive
because it only aims to consummate one s own feelings of revenge. Also in this category would
be included the bar fight and crimes of passion.
Wilkinson
, p. .
Della Porta
, pp. ‐ .
Devji
, p.
.
We acknowledge theories of state terrorism, e.g. Claridge
, Jackson et al
aspects of violence against the person, e.g. Benard
, Muelenhard & Kimes
Gilligan
, Keen
, pp.
ff.
Keen, ibid., p.
.
, and political
8
The disconnect identified in Gilligan s work, and Keen s application of it, therefore makes it
unwise, as Kalyvas has noted, to deduce motive from behaviour.
This is as true in the political
domain as it is in the personal; political discourses, of which violence is often part, can hide,
justify, mislead and reinterpret words and actions, just as they can in personal relationships and
other interactions.
)n the context of /
, the various transformations that undoubtedly
occurred were affected by the manipulation of discourse, which both formulates the questions
and frames the responses .
Kalyvas criticises much of the literature on violence as failing to
distinguish between violence as an outcome and violence as a process.
This leads to binary
oppositions such as perpetrators/victims that exclude proper consideration of the processes
that lead to the commission of violence. Kalyvas cites Yvon Grenier s comment on analyses of
Latin American insurgencies that tend to portray a world inhabited by women, children, and
the elderly .
Therefore, only by examining the underlying aims of violence can we avoid such
simplistic and oppositional taxonomies.
For the purposes of the current analysis, political violence will be defined as the use, threat or
representation of violence for the achievement of political ends as understood by any given
group or community .
Kalyvas, op. cit., p.
Blommaert
(odges & Nilep
Kalyvas, op. cit., p.
Ibid., Grenier
.
, p. .
.
, p. .
9
3 ________________________________________________________________________
Experiencing Virtual Violence
3.1
Virtuality
The roots of virtual worlds lie in computer‐mediated gaming environments developed in
American universities in the
The Well.
s and
s, and other experiments in social networks like
These provided the conceptual and technical bases for the explosion of networked
environments caused by massive World Wide Web uptake in the
s.
Although the earliest
networks have correctly been characterised as text‐based game[s] or just social space[s]
expressed through writing
they quickly incorporated the visual interfaces and personal
avatars familiar to video game players and contemporary computer users.
Defining virtual worlds is somewhat problematic.
Edward Castronova prefers synthetic
world , defined as an expansive, world‐like, large‐group environment made by humans, for
humans, and which is maintained, recorded, and rendered by computer .
(is emphasis on
artifice arises from the ambiguity of virtual –a valid criticism – although he admits using the
terms virtual and synthetic interchangeably.
Castronova s definition covers a wide range of
computer‐mediated social environments, but lacks clarity with respect to salient characteristics
of the environments under examination here.
Mark Bell defines a virtual world as a
synchronous, persistent network of people, represented as avatars, facilitated by networked
Brand
, Damer et al
, (afner
, Turner
, ch. .
Gillies & Cailliau
Mortensen
The common expression, the virtual world , is of limited analytical value and should not be confused
with the more specific definitions here. For the problems of online terminologies, see Lange
Castronova
, p. .
Castronova
, p.
, n. .
10
computers .
This encapsulates the real‐time interactivity of virtual worlds, the manner in
which a world continues to function once a participant visually represented by an avatar is no
longer inworld, and the computer‐mediated aspect of the experience. Bell s definition excludes
other types of computer‐mediated communication CMC like social networking sites, email,
video games, and file‐sharing. The current analysis follows Bell s definition but additionally
excludes gaming worlds like World of Warcraft in favour of a focus on social worlds like SL,
although gaming environments are also rich sources of observation and analysis, and exhibit
some of the dynamics examined here.
Second Life is but one example amongst hundreds of virtual worlds, whose numbers are
growing rapidly. A recent survey suggests that virtual world registrations top
million,
which, allowing for people with multiple accounts, is a potential user base roughly comparable
to the population of the United States.
years age group.
world identities by
)n
.
Demographically, over
, Gartner forecast that
% of these are in the
‐
% of active internet users will have virtual
The creation of virtual communities is critical to the very existence of cyberspace.
Cyberspace is contingent upon its physical infrastructure but is also comprised of the people,
processes and politics that help shape it, as well as the information communicated through
these techno‐social structures.
As previously noted, even the earliest experiments with
computer networks were socially predicated. The internet itself was designed as a system
through which people could communicate across distance and in real time.
Bell
, p. .
KZero
Ibid.
Gartner
Rheingold
Betz & Stevens in prep
Leiner et al
Barry Wellman
11
memorably observed that computer networks are social networks
follows this social constructivist approach to technology.
and the current analysis
)n SL, interpersonal relationships
formed through interaction, negotiation and shared experience can be as important to those
people as any real‐world relationships.
All virtual communities, i.e. symbolic communities
principally constructed in cyberspace, are real to those who create and participate in them.
This is particularly true for non‐gaming environments like SL which are meaningful sites for
social action , rather than merely derivative of the actual world.
The relative lack of rule
constraints means that SL is a cultural experiment whose behavioural parameters are as much
set by its residents as they are by the architects of the world, Linden Research, )nc. aka Linden
Lab .
Reality is constructed in other ways too. SL from its inception allowed and encouraged its
residents to use simple scripting code to create objects inworld, from clothes to houses to bodily
prostheses.
Once Linden Lab granted copyright ownership to the creators of these objects, an
inworld economy rapidly developed using the native currency, Linden dollars L$ . These can
be traded in and out of SL as US dollars, thereby bringing a significant economic dimension to
inworld activity.
Despite the recent economic crisis the Linden dollar has remained stable
against the US dollar
and over $
m equivalent of L$ was traded in and out of SL in
with total inworld transactions topping $
m.
)n
,
, SL gave the world its first virtual
world millionaire , Anshe Chung , whose speculation on virtual real estate provides her – and
Wellman
See Bijker et al
Ondrejka
, pp. ‐ .
Carter
, Fernback
Boellstorf
, pp. ‐ .
Linden Scripting Language LSL
Next Up Research
; see also Castronova et al
$ =L$
, July
Second Life
a ; roughly equivalent to the Gross Domestic Product of Dominica over the same
period )MF,
12
her real‐world staff – with very healthy incomes.
)n the broader ecology of virtual worlds
there are many thousands of people who earn a living by producing or trading virtual
commodities, particularly the activity known as gold farming , the production of virtual gold for
resale to players of popular online game World of Warcraft.
Demography and economics aside, why else do virtual worlds matter? The answer lies in how
users/residents experience these environments. Central to Bell s definition is the importance of
synchronicity. )nteractive communication in real time allows for coordination and sharing of
experiences, as well as awareness of space, distance and co‐existence with other participants –
a temporal engagement with the environment contributing to a sense of navigable terrain .
Analyses of the relationship between physicality and virtuality are complex, and have
philosophical origins. For example, reviews of the philosophy of mind or the mind‐body
problem
Schopenhauer s world knot
are beyond the scope of the current enquiry but
provide the intellectual underpinnings for considerations of the virtual experience and its
relationship to the body.
The information revolution of the late
th century has injected
fresh vigour into this debate, as have neuroscience, artificial intelligence, and biohacking.
Philosopher of technology Albert Borgmann, noting the fragility of technological information,
posits that cyberspace will always be parasitic on reality.
not detract from the experiential aspects of virtuality. A
that
Whilst technically correct this does
survey of EverQuest players found
% regarded the fantasy game‐world of Norrath as their real home.
Lessig baldly asserts, Cyberspace is a place. People live there.
Parloff
(eeks
, Nakamura
Bell, op. cit, p. .
Griffin
, (onderich
Thieme
Borgmann
, pp.
‐
.
Castronova
, Table , p. .
Lessig
, p.
.
As Lawrence
Whilst overstated in a literal
13
sense Lessig draws attention to the fact that cyberspace – of which virtual worlds are but a
small part – is in some sense inhabited . Wertheim suggests that cyberspace helps to make
explicit once more some of the nonphysical extensions of human beingness – ) am there –
whatever this statement may ultimately turn out to mean .
There is evidently a powerful
connection between notions of physicality, dwelling and belonging, and the rather more
abstract potentialities of cyberspace as space and place.
With this in mind we can use the
terms 'virtual' and 'real' – or actual – not as prescriptive ontological antonyms but as
environmental clarifiers.
The experience of cyberspace is one of a hybrid environment ,
incorporating aspects of both the real and the virtual.
)t is worth noting that most of our
cyberspatial experience is mediated by screens, which we accept as the means of framing our
online lives, and which function as powerful locations for the possibilities of truth .
For
Sherry Turkle, screens are helping us become comfortable with new ways of thinking about
evolution, relationships, sexuality, politics, and identity .
There are, of course, degrees of virtuality.
Communicating on Facebook is not the same
sensory and phenomenological experience as exploring a virtual world like Second Life.
Building on work by Rheingold, Turkle, Sobchack and others,
Sanchez‐Vives and Slater
reality , even if computer‐generated worlds are known to be fake .
Earlier work in this field
develop the idea of presence , the transportation of consciousness into an alternative virtual
has described presence succinctly as a situation whereby the subject has the perceptual illusion
of non‐mediation .
This phenomenon has been demonstrated in numerous experiments in
Wertheim
, pp.
,
.
Adams
, Graham
Boellstorff, op. cit., pp. ‐ .
Ruhleder
)ntrona & )lharco
, p. .
Turkle
, p. .
)hde
Rheingold
,
, Sobchack
Sanchez‐Vives & Slater
,
Lombard & Ditton
, p. .
, Turkle, op. cit.
14
which subjects in immersive virtual environments react much the same to body ‐external
stimuli as they would in the real world.
Friedman et al argue that the use of avatars grounds
users in virtual environments, facilitating sensations of presence and reality.
This form of
social co‐presence is different to the physical co‐location of actors in the physical world.
Brian Mennecke and colleagues have developed a theory of embodied social presence , based in
part on observations of SL.
This rejects the idea of mediated/unmediated presence in favour
of a construct in which the corporeal body is the mediating artefact responsible for the
conscious or unconscious modelling, perception and manipulation of avatar s embodied
presence in virtual worlds. )n this sense, experiences in immersive virtual environments are
derivative of corporeal cognitive processes. This embodied social presence theory strengthens
the links between real and virtual experience, which much of the previous literature was in
danger of divorcing. This does not mean, of course, that real and virtual experiences are the
same, but that virtuality remains contingent on reality – an unintended reformulation of
Borgmann s parasite thesis.
3.2
Violence
Deliberate disruption of others activities has long been a feature of CMC, and certain forms of it
now constitute distinct and dynamic subcultures, with quasi‐ideologies that belie their
occasionally sociopathic appearance .
These forms of emergent behaviour are a natural
outgrowth of systems in which people interact in non‐linear fashion, utilising low‐level rules to
Blascovich et al
, Yee et al
Friedman et al
, p.
; also Bowman & McMahan
Zhao & Elesh
Mennecke et al
Dibbell
a,b , Williams
,
, Meadows
15
generate outcomes not predicted by the architects of these environments.
online gaming, it is often considered an expression of emergent gameplay .
)n the context of
For those who do not wish to play the game , the relatively anonymous worlds of cyberspace
offer multiple outlets for self‐expression. The propensity of individuals to drop their defensive
masks as constructed through real‐world socialisation and embark upon modes of behaviour
divergent from their ordinary lives has been termed the online disinhibition effect .
Nowhere
can this be seen more clearly than in griefing , where players abandon the rules of the games in
which they are involved and deliberately set out to disrupt and damage the gaming experience
of others.
Based on levels of intent, types of rule broken, and developer and player perceptions, a recent
taxonomy identified four categories of griefing in online games: harassment, power imposition,
scamming, and greed play.
Although Second Life is not a game, due to its lack of predefined
objectives, these griefing categories are broadly applicable to a wide range of activities reported
from within the world.
Although most activities are prankish and puerile in nature, some have
resulted in function loss and economic damage to inworld assets.
At a higher level of disruption, a wide range of activities have also been reported in SL that
might constitute crimes in the outside world. These include theft copyright, content, identity ,
fraud, money laundering, rape, bullying, and child pornography.
Although it might be difficult
to imagine how, for example, a sexual assault can occur in a virtual world it does illustrate that
Clark
, pp.
‐
, Johnson
, p.
.
Juul
, p. .
Joinson
, Suler
Mulligan & Patrovsky
, p.
.
Foo & Koivisto
Chesney et al
Bakioğlu
Connolly
, Coyne et al
, Duranske
, Elliott
, Talbot
16
non‐consensual activity can occur in these environments, particularly where embodiment , as
described above, occurs.
The legal ramifications of such activities are receiving wide attention
from academics and policymakers.
We can therefore propose that people experience representations or analogues of violence as
acts of violence in themselves. This observation is borne of two bodies of theory. Firstly, of the
secondary natures of violence, as articulated most clearly by anthropologist Jon Abbink but
drawing on earlier work by Riches, Bourdieu and others. Secondly, because people are invested
with presence , a certain physicality in avatar‐mediated cyberspace, some of the primary
meaning of violence – physical harm – is actually retained, in terms of boundary transgression, if
not in blood and flesh.
With the preceding comments in mind we are reminded of the prescient words of Michael
Vlahos who wrote in
, [c]ommunications networks established by advances in
informational technology create a place, called the )nfosphere, in which people form new
social, political and employment arrangements.
This short review has established that
environments like SL provide a platform for people to reconfigure their social and economic
lives, and who view virtual worlds as real spaces of experience and endeavour. Manuel Castells
wrote, the internet is a global electronic agora where the diversity of human disaffection
explodes in a cacophony of accents.
As with other media, violence is a part of this landscape
and the current research will show how this has been used in Second Life for various purposes
and with varied effects.
For an early textual assault , see Dibbell
Balkin & Noveck
, Duranske
Vlahos
, p.
.
Castells
, p.
.
; also Mackinnon
17
4 ________________________________________________________________________
Case Studies
4.1
The War of Jessie Wall
)t has already been noted that SL is not a game. This does not preclude games from being
played within the world and such activities constitute a substantial portion of inworld activity.
)ndeed, Castronova proposes that it is exactly this ludic component that will attract more and
more users, although he overstates the case for all inworld activities being fun .
(owever, SL
as an environment or platform is not designed as a game: there are no set objectives to
involvement, and most activities are permitted as long as they breach neither the Terms of
Service or the Community Standards.
These constraints are effectively a form of social contract
that regulates behaviour and should be considered analogous to real‐world legislative
frameworks. )n contrast to other popular virtual worlds like the fantasy gameworlds of World
of Warcraft and EverQuest, whose activities revolve around questing , combat and competitive
character progression,
SL s residents usually do not run the risk of assault or death. )n most
areas of SL avatar‐death is actually impossible due to restraints imposed by what Castronova
calls the coding authority , in this case Linden Lab.
Even before the public launch of SL in June
enabled combat zone, Outlands.
one area had been set aside as a damage‐
This was situated to the east of the then small hub of SL and
separated from it by a large wall beyond which combat and death were not only possible but
Castronova
Second Life
b, c
Referred to as MMORPGs Massively Multi‐player Online Role‐Playing Games
Castronova
, p. .
http://secondlife.wikia.com/wiki/Outlands, accessed
June
.
18
encouraged.
This area originally consisted of four‐and‐a‐half sims , a simulator being a
contiguous area of land,
Francisco.
m by
m, run as a single unit in the Linden servers in San
The SL grid is composed of a series of abutting sims that constitute the entire
navigable landscape of the world. )n April
a new sim, Jessie, was created and moved to the
Outlands. )t was here that SL would see its first war .
Early that same month, a group of World War II Online players WW))OLers moved into the
Outlands, drawn by its combat potential and the capacity to build and test period weapons and
infrastructure.
Wagner James Au, embedded as the official Linden journalist
and one of
the few sources of information on this period, recalls that the WW))OLers used Outlands as a
kind of online central command, from where they could plan combat strategies for their main
game .
This initial influx was well‐received by the Outlands residents as a new and interesting addition
to the population, but a second wave of WW))OLers was not so much interested in the existing
SL dynamics as disrupting them.
They embraced the combat capabilities of Outlands
wholeheartedly, using the existing residents homes and businesses as target practice , ignoring
the convention that, whilst this was a combat zone, people who lived there expected to do so
without disruption.104 According to WW))OLer leader Eukeyant Skidoo, we cared for nothing
Death in SL involves temporary removal
but our own intentions: to own the Outlands .
from the grid, followed by reincarnation at a home point chosen by each resident.
Most
Outlands residents reincarnation points were their properties in Outlands, so death entailed
http://www.slmaps.com/oldmaps.htm, accessed
http://secondlife.wikia.com/wiki/Sim, accessed
Sulic
Au
Au
, p.
.
Ibid., p.
.
Au
http://wiki.secondlife.com/wiki/Death, accessed
June
June
June
.
.
.
19
perpetual removal and rebirth in Outlands as WW))OLers repeatedly pounded their homes with
munitions.
The continual annoyance born of this shift from consensual co‐existence to
aggression inspired residents to approach the WW))OLers in the hope of compromise. Opinions
differ as to who started the shooting but the entreaty deteriorated into gun and artillery fire.
The firefight was sufficiently intense to repeatedly crash the Outlands servers, causing severe
disruption to all residents, whether they were involved or not.
Land shortages elsewhere on the grid meant that most Outlands residents had settled there for
economic reasons rather than for the purposes of combat.
The WW))OLers, on the other
hand, used the kill capacity of the Outlands as it was intended, but to the chagrin of the
residents.
Negotiations having failed they turned to Linden Lab for assistance, despite the
fact that the Terms of Service had not been broken. Community moderator Peter Linden,
Kofi Annan of Second Life ,
described the problem: by community consent, everyone could
shoot each other, but no one did ; the arrival of the WW))OLers changed that, with
destroying everything that
the
% worked for .
%
With tacit reference to the Community
Standards, Linden suspended some WW))OLers user accounts, with limited effect, and
eventually decided to restrict kill activity to a single sim, Jessie, which was to be surrounded by
a high fortified wall.
The WW))OLers felt aggrieved that their technically legal actions had resulted in censure,
confinement and suspension. Consequently, they stepped up the disruption, within and without
Jessie, and their numbers grew. Their actions in non‐damage‐enabled neighbouring sims –
Au
, p.
.
e.g. http://forums.secondlife.com/showpost.php?p=
&postcount= , accessed
June
.
Au
http://forums.secondlife.com/showpost.php?p=
&postcount= , accessed
June
.
http://forums.secondlife.com/showpost.php?p=
&postcount=
, accessed
June
.
)nworld, Linden employees assume the company surname.
Au
Ibid.
http://forums.secondlife.com/showthread.php?t=
, accessed
June
.
20
often chasing non‐WW))OLers away after guerrilla raids into Jessie – resulted in further
suspensions as well as stoking hostility towards them. As their belligerence increased so too
did that of other residents who saw both an aggressive foe to be countered and also, one
assumes, the chance to engage in their own forms of mischief.
The conflict intensified,
particularly with the formation of the Noise Tanks group, who took the fight to the WW))OLers
with relish.
Both sides used their scripting ingenuity to invent new and bizarre weapons, an
arms race in which combatants repeatedly murdered each other with
technologically advanced alacrity .
increasingly
Up to this point, the politics of the conflict were restricted to inworld activities involving SL
residents, irrespective of their real‐world statuses. The trigger for the fighting was the arrival of
a new group with different behavioural norms and gameplaying backgrounds, and who
possessed attitudes at variance with the established population. Esther MacCallum‐Stewart
characterises this as a classic territory dispute
but this only applies to this first phase of the
conflict, not to what happened next. The wall separating Jessie from the rest of the world was to
become the focus of actions very much informed by external politics, in this case, the US
invasion of )raq in late March
.
When serious Outlands hostilities began on
morning signed a $
April
President George W. Bush had that
billion supplemental spending bill for Operation )raqi Freedom and
subsequent reconstruction efforts.
This came only a week after the toppling of Saddam
(ussein s statue in Baghdad, an event that seemed to many supporters of the war as vindication
for the invasion, and which led to Bush s
Au
, p.
.
Carr & Pond
, p.
MacCallum‐Stewart
Rhem
.
, p.
.
May statement, major combat operations in )raq
21
have ended .
)n retrospect this was merely the beginning of a difficult political and military
campaign still continuing six years later.
The internet became one outlet for people s opinions against or in support of the war. )n SL, a
single pro‐American message had been put up on the Jessie Wall soon after the beginning of the
invasion. Although some residents thought it controversial, others took it as an innocuous
expression of support for American troops in )raq.
Either way there were no reactions to it
until an avatar called Woopm Skidoo allegedly plastered a few dozen posters – described as
anti bush childish photoshop images – onto the wall.
The poster showed composite images
of President Bush and Osama bin Laden, and was titled Fear creates patriots.
Because the
wall was now effectively WW))OLer property, most of whom were of conservative bent, they
retaliated by covering up the posters so that they were not thought responsible for this far‐left
propaganda .
)t is ironic that the WW))OLers, in moving to SL, were partly hoping to avoid the
partisan politics over )raq swamping WWII Online s discussion boards.
The wall became the
mirror the real‐world Republican/Democrat split of )raq War discourse.
Au writes that it was
focus of pro‐ and anti‐war messages, posters and propaganda materials that quickly came to
as if both sides were trying to defeat each other by sheer force imagery .
The violence between residents and WW))OLers continued, although it was mainly restricted to
Jessie by this point. The conflict over the wall spurred a change in WW))OLer tactics who made
BBC
http://forums.secondlife.com/showthread.php?t=
http://forums.secondlife.com/showpost.php?p=
Au
, p.
.
Au
Au
, p.
.
Ibid., pp.
‐
.
Ibid., p.
.
&page= , accessed
June
.
&postcount= , accessed
June
.
22
a point of seeking out individual residents, even pursuing them into neighbouring sims, kicking
and shooting them, and branding them traitors and anti‐American .
When a WW))OLer leader, Syank Nomad, added a large Confederate flag to the wall, the conflict
changed again. The SL web forum came alive, with several residents arguing that Nomad had
breached Linden Lab s Community Standards prohibiting hate speech , a charge vehemently
denied by Nomad and others.
Linden Lab intervened and decided to set the wall to no build
status, meaning that no‐one but the company could in future affix anything to it.
that, the war was over .
Over time, the wall itself was gradually dismantled by Linden Lab
and now only a small portion remains,
of digital culture.
And just like
an architectural artefact in the developing palimpsest
)t would perhaps be easy to dismiss the War of Jessie Wall as a typical example of gameplaying,
in which petulance and intolerance played as great a part as any consideration of politics or
freedom of expression. Does the territorial aspect of the dispute render the arguments over
guns and violence redundant , as MacCallum‐Stewart maintains?
Or was the use of violence
instrumental in its own right, despite the immateriality of the Second Life experience?
Anthropologist David Moore writes, [s]ocial rules govern violence and these rules render
violence intelligible and rewarding for those who participate in it .
This is certainly true of
many gaming worlds, as previously noted, in which violence – usually as combat – has long
been an integral and necessary part of gameplay.
Violence is a means by which identity is
Ibid.
http://forums.secondlife.com/showthread.php?t=
, accessed
Au
Au
, p.
.
http://jira.secondlife.com/browse/M)SC‐
, accessed
June
MacCallum‐Stewart, op. cit., p.
.
Moore
, p. .
Jantzen & Jensen
June
.
.
23
constructed and maintained by individuals and by communities and this human trait
unsurprisingly persists in online gaming environments, especially when goal‐oriented status
elevation is required.
)n the non‐gaming world of Second Life, violence has always been the exception rather than the
rule. Analogues of violence, such as bodily harm and death, were restricted eventually to a
single sim, Jessie, although all sims have the capacity to be damage‐enabled should the owners
wish. The Jessie conflict arose between two communities with differing perceptions of violence
but also of the norms of inworld action and dwelling.
The existing Outlands residents exercised several levels of choice. For economic reasons, most
had elected to buy cheap land on these sims, despite knowing full well that these areas were
damage‐enabled. Although death was always possible, most residents chose not to utilise these
functions or engage in activities that might lead to it. As a result, social norms developed at
variance with the actual intended character of the Outlands as decided by the coding authority.
Ultimately, they would also choose violence as a form of expression for the purpose of identity
maintenance.
The WW))OLers, on the other hand, came from a game in which violence was normative and
purposive. For them, SL offered space to explore violence as the central motif of both their
other home and of the Outlands. This does not necessarily make them belligerent per se but
does help explain the resulting conflict.
Whilst MacCallum‐Stewart is partially correct in
labelling this a territorial dispute, the territory in question was not only physical but cultural.
Guns and violence were central in the first phase of the war . Carrying a gun in any culture is an
expression of potential, if not outright intent.
Although some of the relatively peaceful
inhabitants carried and experimented with guns and munitions, these were generally not
24
deployed against other residents. An influx of new residents ignorant of this convention was
inevitably going to stir up trouble. WW))OLers admitted that they were perhaps a little too
enthusiastic about killing in these early days and it is quite likely that the conflict would
eventually have petered out and new behavioural norms negotiated. Linden Lab were relatively
uninterested in intervening at this stage, even when residents complained that the WW))OLers
were in breach of Community Standards. Au cites Robert Nozick s Anarchy, State, and Utopia
, in which the libertarian philosopher theorises utopia not as a singular construct but as a
state allowing several utopian visions to co‐exist, even if these conflict.
The conflict between old and new residents concerned the internal politics of online
communities. Although Linden was never far away the dispute was essentially about modes of
cultural existence, about permissiveness, respect and tradition. )t was conducted between
relatively well‐defined groups, both of whom had histories and a sense of community, if not its
embodiment in its strictest formulation.
Concepts of residence and belonging informed older
residents reactions to the WW))OLers, as did their sense of entitlement, even when the latter
conflicted with the very clear rules of the Outlands.
The transformation of a conflict over culture into one nominally over )raq saw a shift not only in
tactics but also in politics. With the ongoing invasion of )raq as the background, real‐world
politics intruded into the previously isolated conflict. Disputes over the morality of the )raq
war, as well as the sectarian tropes of domestic American politics, were played out in a
propaganda battle, graffiti and continued fighting. This form of protest and polarised dissent
was by no means restricted to SL, occurring globally in almost all social milieux and mediated
through multiple technologies, but it did serve to underline the generally liberal nature of SL
residents by contrast with the more conservative players of games like WWII Online.
Au
, p.
Anderson
.
, passim.
25
Linden was effectively forced to do something and in the end removed users ability to modify
the Jessie Wall. )t successfully deflated the conflict but raised serious questions as to what role
the coding authority should have in the regulation of political expression. We are reminded that
Nozick began Anarchy with the question, )f the state did not exist would it be necessary to
invent it?
This question is moot in SL, given that the coding authority preceded the world,
but we could perhaps ask instead, )f the state exists would it be sensible to remove it? . )t would
seem that in Second Life the answer is currently, no .
But what of the utility of violence itself? Despite Stephen Webb s statement that in the context
of virtual environments, [p]hysical constraint as a threatening device … is not available as a
moral force when someone is abusive or offensive ,
deploying violence in spaces like Second Life.
anthropological definition p.
there is evidently some utility in
The combination of Abbink s weak
with the aforementioned work on presence allows us to
consider violence free of its original reference points of materiality and physicality.
All
elements of Abbink s definition were present in the two phases of the Outlands war –
humans/avatars, symbolism, intimidation, lethal force, and the intent to prevail. )f we perceive
virtual violence in this way it is apparent that violence did occur in Jessie and was indeed of
limited political utility in effecting change – even if undesirable ‐ although its origins were in
entertainment and simulation.
)n the final balance there were no real winners at Jessie Wall. The genie was out of the bottle
with respect to the role of Linden Lab as the de jure state authority. Older residents were
forced to accept the presence of WW))OLers or move elsewhere.
The WW))OLers were
marginalised and increasingly forgotten as the evolution of SL, and the creativity and innovation
of other residents, continued to outgrow the realm of war and weapons.
Nozick
Webb
, p. .
, p.
.
26
4.2
On
Second Life Liberation Army
August
a new actor arrived publicly in Second Life. On their blog, then subtitled The
only response to injustice is to fight! , the Second Life Liberation Army SLLA announced its
brief manifesto. )n part, it read,
The SLLA is a national liberation movement commmited [sic] to the establishment of citizens
[sic] rights within Second Life. As Second Life currently operates as an authoritarian government
we are going to press our demands through the tactical use of force.
The post mentioned their political officer, an avatar called Marshal Cahill, a name presumably
chosen to reference both the John Wayne character of the same name in Cahill U.S. Marshal
and Joe Cahill, one of the founders of the Provisional )rish Republican Army P)RA . The
history of national liberation movements was further recalled by Cahill s physical appearance, a
dapper, bespectacled man reminiscent of a young Abimael Guzmán, leader of the Peruvian
guerrilla organisation, Sendero Luminoso Shining Path .
On
August
Cahill announced on the SL forum that military operations against
strategically important targets would commence at midnight on
conditions were met.
August unless two
First, that Linden introduce democratic voting for residents to decide
on inworld issues. Second, that a referendum be called to decide on the issue of resident
verification . The latter referenced plans to introduce a system whereby residents, who up to
this point could be anonymous, would have to provide details of their real‐world identities in
order to verify they were old enough to be in mature sectors of the grid. The statement elicited
a degree of wry amusement but also, through email contact with the SLLA, a large number of
SLLA
Cahill
a ; the SLLA formed in April
a
, see Porter
27
well meaning suggestions that resulted in the formulation of Proposition
on
August.
This called for the formal establishment of inworld voting rights and represented an augmented
strategy of both political activism and military action; negotiation with Linden had not
previously been considered on the basis that it was not possible.
This was somewhat
disingenuous given that Linden employees maintained regular and expansive dialogue with
residents even if the results of these consultations were not always popular with residents.
(owever, the SLLA correctly ascertained that were genuine concerns amongst residents about
Linden s style of governance as the coding authority, in particular the issue of representation.
The forum post announcing Proposition
also stated that military operations would
proceed as planned. Word of the SLLA began to spread outside the SL forums with a report
appearing in now‐defunct inworld newspaper The Democrat on
both Cahill and SL s Brian Linden.
August which interviewed
Linden called the SLLA s actions a virtual bomb threat and
Cahill, responding to the accusation of terrorism, stated that the SLLA were forced to use
military means due to Linden s overwhelming superiority . )nterestingly, Cahill did not reject
the term, saying that [w]e will not engage in double‐speak and will where appropriate use
tactics that disrupt the smooth running of SL .
The
August deadline passed without Linden capitulating to SLLA demands and the military
operation commenced with an attack against the American Apparel store in SL. American
Apparel, a large US‐based clothing manufacturer well‐known for its ethical trading policies, was
an early experimenter with the potential of virtual stores to sell both its own virtual clothes in
SL but also as a means to generate publicity inworld and out.
Their inworld store was
designed by Aimee Weber – real name, Alyssa LaRoche – an early resident of SL who makes a
Cahill
b
Ibid.
SLLA
b ; The Democrat folded in November
SLLA, ibid.
(uang
, see (oward
28
living consulting on inworld projects for clients as varied as Warner Brothers, United Nations
and the American Cancer Society.
Weber was both an SL insider and a high‐profile resident
who had already attracted substantial press interest, important considerations for the SLLA s
developing communications strategy.
The attack on the American Apparel store was hardly spectacular, but the SLLA claimed
success in preventing residents purchasing goods
elsewhere as a sleepy hollow with few users,
although they described the store
so one must wonder at the actual disruption
caused, which was certainly temporary. For the SLLA perhaps the most effective outcome was
more press coverage, mostly online publications, but still media vehicles for their campaign.
One in particular expressed concern that the SLLA s actions might make companies think twice
about locating in Second Life.
This commercial imperative was addressed by the SLLA in a statement on
August
.
They proposed that each resident be allowed to purchase single shares in Linden Lab, which
would therefore consolidate users loyalty to the platform and strengthen Linden s commitment
to its residents. The proposal received little attention and gained minimal traction. On
September a major security breach occurred in which it was discovered that SL user data –
names, addresses, credit card details – were accessible to an intruder.
Linden disabled all
user passwords, requiring residents to provide new ones in order to continue accessing SL. The
SLLA announced nearly three weeks later that these measures resulted in their losing over
Au
, pp.
‐
.
SLLA
c
SLLA
e
Fawkes
, Mistral
(obson & (oltz
SLLA
d
BBC
, Linden
a , SLLA
%
g , Weber
29
of their membership,
suggesting that many of those who had pledged their support were
either peripherally involved or relatively inactive residents.
Undeterred, the SLLA launched a second attack, this time against the SL Reebok store on
October.
The attack was similar to the American Apparel event and claimed success in
disrupting commercial activities.
This was accompanied by the release of a video of the
actions onto video‐sharing site YouTube which rapidly gained thousands of views.
Although
the scenes displayed were somewhat underwhelming as a spectacle it showed that the SLLA
was giving continued thought to their communications strategy. This was given a further boost
by exposure in mainstream media outlets, including The New York Times,
online niche publications.
as well as the usual
The selection of the third target – Midnight City, designed by Aimee Weber and inhabited by
most of the influential SL residents – was accompanied by an operational shift. On
October
the SLLA announced that everyone on the Midnight City sim would be considered legitimate
targets for shootings and bombings and effectively outsourced its violence by offering bounties
of $L
for each successful and substantiated attack.
The bounty would double for
successful attacks on three inworld companies: The Electric Sheep Company, Millions of Us and
Rivers Run Red, all run by prominent SL residents. This was reminiscent of the infamous
assassination market theorised by Timothy May and colleagues in the mid
s.
The
announcement also referred to unrestricted warfare in Midnight City, possibly referencing a
book of the same name published in
by Chinese Air Force colonels Qiao Liang and Wang
SLLA
f
SLLA
h
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v= r uU(aqm , accessed
June
.
Siklos
SLLA
i
Bell
; the proposal was a prediction market in which people bet on the date of death of public
officials; this incentivised assassination as any person could collect the pool winnings by killing persons
when s/he predicted.
30
Xiangsui.
Unrestricted Warfare proposed strategies for combating technologically superior
opponents through a combination of networked warfare, terrorism, economic warfare and
lawfare . The SLLA were reported making explicit reference to leaderless resistance .
This
strategy, first proposed by anti‐communist Ulius Louis Amoss and developed further by white
supremacist Louis Beam in the
s,
has received recent attention due to its reformulation
as leaderless jihad in the work of Marc Sageman.
Leaderless resistance connotes a non‐
hierarchical and dispersed resistance strategy in which cells and individuals act autonomously
within the framework of an overarching political ideology.
)t is unclear how successful was this combination of revised strategy and call to arms. On
November the SLLA reported that volunteer Mikey Flyer conducted an attack in Midnight City
and posted a link to a YouTube video now deleted .
Other details are scant but mainstream
media continued to run stories about this and earlier actions, including the Financial Times, USA
Today and The Sunday Times.
The Los Angeles Times also published an article by a reporter
the SLLA claimed to have embedded during a second attack on the American Apparel store.
)n the interview, Cahill claimed that
% of SL residents supported the SLLA and compared
himself to John Adams, second President of the United States.
Adams would have been
considered a terrorist by his foes, Cahill said, because he helped lead the American Revolution.
The Second Life Liberation Army is just trying to make the world a better place .
We must
consider these statements as propaganda, a necessary and integral part of national liberation
movements, and Wagner James Au accused the LA Times of astroturfing , a public relations
Liang & Xiangsui
Mistral
b
Beam
Berlet
, Sageman
SLLA
j
(arkin
, Petrecca
SLLA
k
Semuels
, Rushe
31
tactic intended at creating the impression of grassroots mobilisation.
The revolutionary
blueprint was also apparent with the appointments of a new strategist, Keksakallu Klata, and
media liaison, Solidad Sugarbeet, around this time, and the establishment of a permanent office
in SL.
On
January
Reuters hosted a World Economic Forum discussion in SL to which
residents were invited.
Although lightly attended this event illustrates the significance
Reuters for a time accorded SL as a business platform and a source of news.
SLLA guerrillas
stormed the stage and, according to their blog, managed to elicit some concessions in principle
from participant and Linden Lab chairman Mitch Kapor regarding avatar rights and democratic
self‐government .
Over the next month or so the SLLA continued to crop up in press reports,
many of which were for the first time not in English as the result of an Agence France‐Presse
wire story.
On
February the SLLA issued a prepared document, Towards a Strategy for the Democratic
Revolution .
This was a preparatory manifesto explaining the SLLA s political position
universal suffrage for avatars leading to a citizens government and laying out a strategy for
action, including fundraising, propaganda, combat training, media relations, education, and
internal organisation. )t also made explicit reference to spectacular simulated guerrilla attacks
perhaps using humour as well as simulated violence , for the first time – implicitly at least –
recognising that the nature of inworld violence is complex. The nearly
‐word document
was well‐written and explained both their grievances and their strategy for addressing them in
Au
c
SLLA
a
Mesure
Reuters maintained a bureau in SL between October
and November
.
Klata
a . This recalls Raph Koster s A Declaration of the Rights of Avatars Koster
later conceded by the SLLA
d.
AFP
, (utcheon
, McCarthy
, Pham
, SLLA
b , Taylor
Klata
b
, a point
32
ways typical of many a liberation manifesto, and was essentially drawn from Maoist iterations
of revolutionary warfare.
the SLLA s blog or website.
Despite its importance to the organisation it was not circulated on
The last major SLLA action for which there is evidence occurred on
blog claimed that
March
. The SLLA
members attended a rally at SLLA headquarters at which Marshal Cahill
presented the one vote, one avatar manifesto and the SLLA s desire to meet Linden for
negotiations towards this end.
)n terms deliberately reminiscent of words attributed to
American revolutionary Nathan (ale prior to his execution by the British in
, Cahill said, )
have one regret today and that is that ) have just one )P address to give to this cause .
The
rally was followed by protests at Linden s SL headquarters accompanied by the usual scripted
mischief, an event even covered by UK s Channel 4 News.
The SLLA quickly pointed out that
they were not anarchists as maintained by Channel 4 but a broad church of activists seeking
democratic representation, a revolutionary base they had previously referred to as the
avatariat .
There is no evidence these actions resulted in anything but amused responses
from Linden regarding possible talks with the SLLA.
This was the last SLLA‐driven action in SL although they were alleged involved in protests
against Front National p.
. )n April
senior members of the SLLA leadership claimed
that Marshal Cahill was, in real life, a corporate intelligence analyst associated with American
firm Concentric Solutions )nternational CS) .
CS) states openly that it monitors blogs, social
Mao
)t was uploaded to online storage service Google Docs http://docs.google.com/ which means its
status could initially have been linked to a private Google account, then switched to shared , which is
where it now publicly resides.
Ketstugo
Cahill
; an )P )nternet Protocol address is a unique identification number assigned to all
computers on the internet.
Channel
SLLA
c
Textbot
33
networking sites and even MMORPGs … in order to inform its intelligence program but has not
confirmed publicly its role, if any, in the SLLA.
)t was also alleged by some SL residents that
the SLLA was actually a front organisation close to Linden, deployed to divert attention away
from other problems of Linden/resident relations.
The accusations resulted in the effective
collapse of the organisation and prominent members joined other activist groups like the
Second Life Democratic Front and the Second Life Democratic Movement.
The SLLA continued
to be held responsible for actions in SL but in effect the movement was moribund and played no
further part in Second Life politics.
)t does seem likely that the SLLA was an experiment instigated by an external investigative
party rather than a purely grass roots initiative as suggested by its early statements. One must
wonder at the ethical issues this raises and it is not surprising that if CS) were responsible that
they have chosen not to admit any role. )t could therefore be argued that any examination of the
SLLA is rendered moot because of this. This might be true were one only to consider its
effectiveness in achieving its stated end – representative inworld democracy – which is minimal
at best; Linden still operates SL much as it did before the SLLA actions. Wagner James Au has
related how previous attempts by Linden to involve residents in democratic process met with
lukewarm reception. Au interprets this by drawing an analogy with American democracy:
emotionally loyal to its principles, and resistant to outside pressure, but unlikely to vote in
droves come an election.
diversified over time.
This might explain, in part, why the strategic aims of the SLLA
Beginning with demands for representative democracy and avatar
rights , they quickly moved on to suggest a shares issue by Linden, presumably both a sop to
Linden but also a way of broadening the SLLA s appeal. The bounty model introduced in
http://www.concentricsolution.com/services.shtml, accessed
June
.
Particularly by noted SL conspiracy theorist Prokofy Neva Catherine Fitzpatrick , e.g.
http://foo.secondlifeherald.com/slh/
/ /is_second_life_.html?cid=
#comment‐
a d
bf
ef d
c cf ef, accessed July
.
Mistral
b
Au
, pp. ‐ .
34
October
was also perhaps a means to encourage more residents to become involved. The
revised manifesto of February
articulated previous strategic goals but also added concerns
that many other residents had had for some time regarding the commercialisation of SL,
property rights, currency supply, immigration issues and grid stability.
There was sufficiently broad interest in the SLLA that they claimed at one point to have the
largest activist membership in SL , although this cannot be verified.
What is clear is that
prior to the February Manifesto the SLLA had succeeded in recruiting persons of genuinely
revolutionary intent, regardless of the real identity of Marshal Cahill. We could speculate that
the momentum of the SLLA from late
onwards largely derived from persons like Klata and
Sugarbeet, rather than from Cahill himself. )n this sense, if the SLLA was an experiment in
political mobilisation then it was a successful proof of concept . This is also true when we
consider the relationships between violence, the media and terrorism as applied to the SLLA.
Terrorism is difficult to situate in the discontinuous and subjective spectrum of violence, with
almost every author on the subject seeking his own definition. As with Justice Potter Stewart s
famous statement on pornography – ) know it when ) see it
– broad unanimity does exist
when the phenomenon reveals itself. Theoretically though, its nature and parameters continue
to elude satisfactory resolution.
Weinberg et al analysed definitions of terrorism in a sample
of academic journals over two decades and arrived at the following consensus definition :
Terrorism is a politically motivated tactic involving the threat or use of force or violence in which
the pursuit of publicity plays a significant role.
Klata
a
Gewirtz
Cooper
,
Weinberg et al
, Jenkins
, p.
.
, Laqueur
, pp.
‐
, Schmid
35
This reflects the psychological element of terrorism as the authors intended but suffers from,
among other deficiencies, an admitted lack of distinction between combatants and non‐
combatants.
For this reason ) have adapted a recent definition by Uwe Steinhoff
and
suggest that terrorism is,
a tactic or strategy of intimidating or impressing persons other than the immediate victims or
targets of violence by the repeated threat, made credible by corresponding acts, of violence.
This definition differs from Steinhoff s own in the assertion that terrorism is of tactical utility as
well as strategic purpose, which places it squarely within the multidimensional toolbox of the
modern violent actor. )t also emphasises that the performative and demonstrative aspects of
terrorism are as important as violent acts themselves.
This suggests that we are moving
away from definitions of both violence and terrorism as necessarily involving physicality.
From the outset the SLLA deployed language that unequivocally situated them within the
historical sweep of liberation movements that used violence as a means to effect political
change. At various points they compared themselves to the revolutionaries of
America, as well as to those of
th‐century England and
‐
th‐century France. Allusions to
military operations coupled to a political strategy mean that we should regard the SLLA as the
armed wing of a political movement, a binary structure familiar to students of revolutionary
politics both left and right. The SLLA did not deny they would use terrorist tactics as part of an
overarching liberation strategy, although cited disruption of SL life as their primary aim in
deploying violence rather than attacking individuals or property explicitly. Of course, SLLA
Ibid., p.
.
Steinhoff
Bolt et al
, p. .
36
attacks did not result in physical harm to residents but they arguably achieved their disruptive
aims.
One of the many problems with SL as a platform is the phenomenon of lag . Lag occurs where
the volume of communication requests to Linden s servers in California is essentially too great
for the servers to accommodate. This results in a noticeably increased time taken to render the
graphic display on a user s computer, obviously critical to successful engagement with the
world; in essence, events do not occur in real time anymore.
Attacks in which, for example,
multiple instant messaging )M requests are made – as with the SLLA March
actions at
Linden headquarters – result in massive lag, which is therefore disruptive to other users on that
particular sim. This is a traditional griefing tactic also, deployed to great effect by established
and sophisticated SL griefer groups like the Patriotic Nigras,
but the SLLA s political
ambitions set them apart, regardless of their real identities or genuine convictions. )f at one
point there were concerns that SLLA actions could drive commercial investors from the world,
this must also be considered a successful application of the threat of violence.
More importantly though was the media exposure generated by SLLA actions. )t could safely be
argued that the SLLA developed at a time when mainstream media interest in SL was at its
height; the presence of a Reuters bureau in SL between
‐
exemplifies this. This does
not fully explain the coverage the SLLA received however. The appointment of a media liaison
in late
, the embedding of a Los Angeles Times reporter, and explicit reference to a PR
[public relations] offensive in in‐world and RL [real‐life] publications in the February Manifesto
all illustrate the importance the SLLA accorded the media. Although most media coverage was
despite, rather than because of, the SLLA s media strategy they were undoubtedly successful in
this element of their campaign. Even after their demise, stories continued to reference them
Most SLLA actions occurred on sims that were not damage‐enabled.
Boellstorff, op. cit., pp.
‐
, (ook
http://www.patrioticnigras.org/, accessed
June
37
and to associate them with inworld actions by other groups, partly the result of lazy journalism,
but also perhaps of a certain sensationalism in the outworld media. Modern terrorism theory
places communication at the heart of terrorism strategy
and the SLLA exploited this to their
advantage. This is not to say that resulting media coverage was positive but the so‐called
oxygen of publicity , in Margaret Thatcher s memorable phrase,
SLLA.
was certainly offered to the
Although the SLLA did not succeed in achieving any of its stated strategic ambitions it did at
least demonstrate that a virtual world like SL can provide a suitable platform for other groups
to pursue political agendas. Although we have yet to establish whether tactical, physical
violence might be part of such a campaign, simulated violence seems to have played a part in
achieving certain elements of a communications strategy, as well as disruption of inworld
functionality. Both mainstream and new media outlets were important in advertising the SLLA
to outworld consumers, and inworld discussions as to the validity of the SLLA were rife.
Terrorist tactics can potentially be applied to both real and virtual environments and, as with
some forms of kinetic terrorism, the barriers to entry are relatively low. Entry‐level SL accounts
are free, relatively anonymous, and only require access to a computer with the specifications
and broadband access to render the graphic environment satisfactorily – all within reach of the
average consumer in developed economies. Sophisticated attacks do require a greater degree of
technical skill, something the SLLA seem to have lacked, but which other groups like the
Patriotic Nigras possess.
As an experiment, which this most likely was, the SLLA showed that inworld political
mobilisation paired with tactical violence could potentially have some strategic effect. The SLLA
were largely insulated from real‐world politics and activities but the following section will
E.g. Carruthers
, pp.
, Schmid & de Graaf
Apple
‐
, Kavoori & Fraley
, Tuman
, Wilkinson
, O Shaughnessy
, ch. .
, ch. , Schmid
38
describe how other SL interactions associated with violence have, like the War of Jessie Wall,
greater connections with real‐world politics, an important consideration in the potential
security implications of virtual worlds.
4.3
‘Because I Hate Front National’
)n December
the Moselle branch of Front National de la Jeunesse FNJ , the youth wing of
the far‐right French political party, Front National FN , announced on their blog that they had
established an official and permanent representation in SL, claiming to be the first French
organisation, political or otherwise, to do so.
Marie Le Pen s campaign for the
)ts stated intentions were to promote Jean‐
presidential elections, to represent FN permanently in SL,
to be a virtual meeting point for members and sympathisers, and to promote French and
Francophone interests in virtual worlds traditionally dominated by les Anglosaxons .
Alexandre Ayroulet, the national director of FNJ, explained that they wanted explicitly to attract
young residents of the world, and to translate virtual interest into real‐world actions.
Youth
activist Guillaume Parisi was reported as saying that SL s transnational reach allowed the FN to
talk to a wide range of people and show that they were far from the caricature of Nazis that
people believe. )t s great for our image abroad .
FN were no strangers to online activity, with a long track record of Usenet discussion groups, for
example.
Romain Létang, FN s webmaster, was quoted in
as saying, For us, the internet
is a pure propaganda medium where our message is not distorted .
The twin benefits of
relative online anonymity and circumvention of norms of freedom of expression as regards
FNJ
Ibid.; the most economically powerful SL resident at this point was Anshe Chung pp.
a resident of Wuhan, China Sklar
Le Nouvel Observateur
Moore
DATOPS
Stoll
‐
, actually
39
incitement to racial hatred have long been used by the far right. As early as
, white
supremacists in the United States were ahead of the curve in using pre‐internet bulletin boards
for propagandist purposes,
media program.
so it is little surprise that FN saw SL as a useful addition to their
Visitors to the FN offices in the Matrix Mall shopping area of Porcupine sim could collect
membership cards, buy T‐shirts with Linden dollars and click through to external FN websites.
They were met by well‐spoken FN avatars, one of whom, Wolfram (ayek, is reported as saying,
the FN stands for individual liberty, and the internet and virtual worlds are the best symbols of
this liberty .
Elsewhere, (ayek took great pains to point out that statements calling FN
fascists or Nazis had been successfully prosecuted in French courts, and drew attention to a
number of black and Muslim FN candidates as far back as the
nationalism is based on merit and patriotism, not race .
s; Front National s vision of
Such statements did not satisfy members of a group calling themselves Second Life Left Unity
SLLU , reputedly founded by members of the Glasgow chapter of the Scottish Socialist Party.
On their website, the SLLU claims to seek creative, non violent means to foster revolutionary
social dialogue via the virtual world platform of Second Life.
On
January
the SLLU
issued a press release in English, French, )talian and Spanish that gave notice that they would be
holding protests outside the FN offices, and challenged Linden Lab to ban this race hate group
who are masquerading as a political party, from SL PG zones.
PG denotes a non‐mature
Berlet
Lechner
, author s translation.
http://foo.secondlifeherald.com/slh/
/ /another_sl_firs.html?cid=
#comment‐
a d
bf
ef d
cdb a ef, accessed July
.
Whittle
http://slleftunity.blogspot.com/, accessed July
. More on the SLLU can be found in an article by
co‐founder Plot Tracer Neil Scott , see Scott
SLLU
a
40
location in SL, roughly analogous to the Parental Guidance certification of motion pictures.
The SLLU further asserted that the FN were in breach of SL s Terms of Service
and if Linden
were not to remove them on that basis then they should at least be moved to an M ‐rated
mature location, although SLLU co‐founder Plot Tracer wrote a few days later that he did not
consider fascism to be appropriate to any sort of sim.
anti‐censorship and libertarian groups.
Such talk was vehemently opposed by
The SLLU bought land next to the FN office and began
‐hour protests outside it. SLLU
activists were banned by the FN but some who persisted complained of being shot at by FN
cadres; some avatars began to return fire .
(ayek rejected any accusations that his confrères
engaged in violent acts, held weapons, or were responsible for any racist or obscene speech.
By this point, another group, Anti Front National Second Life AntiFNsl had joined the fray, and
other curious parties, both pro‐ and anti‐FN, arrived at the scene. The SLLA also claims to have
been involved in the anti‐FN protests.
Occasional skirmishes and political argument soon
developed into outright confrontation during which the FN headquarters were bombarded with
a surreal variety of weapons, including multi‐coloured airbursts, script bombs, simulated
gunfire, police sirens, a holographic Thomas the Tank Engine, and the occasional exploding
pig.
As this region was not damage‐enabled no avatars died but, as previously noted in
relation to SLLA attacks p.
, the server lag disrupted activity substantially, slowing the action
to a ponderous and dreamlike conflict .
http://wiki.secondlife.com/wiki/PG, accessed July
.
Actually Community Standards, forbidding use of derogatory or demeaning language or images in
reference to another Resident's race, ethnicity, gender, religion, or sexual orientation Second Life,
c
http://foo.secondlifeherald.com/slh/
/ /protesters_dema.html?cid=
#comment‐
a d
bf
ef d
d bad ef, accessed July
.
Douglas
; see SLLU
b for a response to these groups.
Mistral
a
http://foo.secondlifeherald.com/slh/
/ /protesters_dema.html?cid=
#comment‐
a d
bf
ef d
d d d ef, accessed July
.
Ketstugo, op. cit.
Au
a
Au
, p.
.
41
The protests gained attention in the mainstream French media, in newspapers like Libération,
and Le Monde, and on television channels LC) and Canal+, and Europe
radio.
Sensing a
public relations victory along the lines of the Barnumesque dictum, any publicity is good
publicity , the FN moved location to Axel sim, where a rather smaller crowd of protesters
engaged them, this time in more measured fashion.
The FN s former offices in Porcupine
were dismantled and replaced with placards of Jean‐Marie Le Pen sporting a (itler
moustache.
The large‐scale conflict was over, although minor scuffles continued to occur
over the next few months at various locations in SL.
Front National can only have been delighted with the attention the protests drew to their cause,
and they continued to have a presence in SL until at least mid‐
.
Numerous bloggers and
commentators opined that publicity was actually the primary reason for their move to SL, and
those who were ranged against them only succeeding in helping them achieve their aims in this
regard. Their perceived success allegedly inspired many other far‐right organisations to set up
in SL,
including a group purporting to be Combat 18, the notorious armed wing of British
neo‐Nazi group Blood and Honour.
)f true, this would be a long‐standing tactic of the far‐right,
one played out in the UK with the media exposure granted to the British National Party during,
and in the wake of, the
candidates in the
local and European elections. )t is also the case that all four
French presidential election eventually had SL offices, some of whom
also reported attacks against their premises.
Mauco
, p. .
Au
a, b , Nino
Burkeman
Author s observation, July
AntiFNsl n.d.
Author s observation, July
Leicester
, Kar‐Gupta
US presidential elections.
.
.
; see Wharton
for an analysis of party presences during the
42
(owever, the response to the FN s arrival was far less organised than groups like the SLLU and
AntiFNsl claim. Not only were the protestors against the FN not organised in any coherent
fashion but the pro‐FN actors included those who believed that the FN, despite their unpleasant
political views, were entitled to express their opinions. As with the War of Jessie Wall, it seems
that initial attempts at negotiation degenerated quickly into violence; again, we may never know
who started it. One small group calling themselves The (orrors of Second Life claimed to have
provoked the anti‐FN attacks by handing out weapons to the crowd, acting as spoilers of any
peaceful resolution. The protests were boring beforehand, said one; after the weapons began
to be used, they were awesome!
The SLLU publicly eschewed violence, although it is less certain that the AntiFNsl did so. )n mid‐
the AntiFNsl headquarters were still publicly accessible, from where one could obtain free
Molotov cocktails and Anti Fascist Action sweatshirts.
)t is unclear if the latter derive from
the avowedly violent British anti‐Fascist organisation of the same name,
disbanded in
,
assumed to have
but the logos were the same. Pinned to the guardrail of their dockside
timber office was an exhortation to Facists [sic] Racists (aters of Refugees to Follow Your
Leader , accompanied by a picture of Adolf (itler committing suicide with a pistol.
The
protests also attracted the SLLA – whose use of violence is a matter of record – and other
residents who probably joined in the events for the sheer fun of it. Wagner James Au equates
most of this activity with griefing, rather than with political action, and many others have
similarly dismissed the significance of the protests.
Axe
Author s observation, July
.
(ann & Kilzey
Sections of AFA transformed into Antifa England, continuing the tradition of confronting fascism
.
physically when it is necessary . See http://www.antifa.org.uk/foundstat.htm, accessed July
Author s observation, July
.
Au
, pp.
‐
.
43
Au recorded the following exchange with one of the avatar‐protestors in Porcupine:
The server lag from so many people throwing up so much gunfire slows the battle to a slow
motion firefight, but ) manage to wade up to TonTonCarton Yue [another avatar], who is strafing
the FN building with a chaingun [more] usually associated with an AC‐
political protest.
gunship, than a
Can ) ask, ) begin, why are you shooting?
Because ) hate Front National, Yue tells me simply.
)f you use violence, doesn't that reduce you to their level?
) don't know, Yue answers, after a while. ) don't care. FN equals violence.
And having offered that axiom, he returns his aim to the enemy, and unleashes another
barrage.
There is no evidence that Yue was or is a member of any group but it is interesting to note Yue s
recourse to violence as a legitimate response, and the synchronicity between his statement and
those of real‐world violent actors. Frantz Fanon articulated this in The Wretched of the Earth
, justifying physical violence as a constructive, cathartic response to the structural
violence of the colonial powers: it makes him fearless and restores his self‐respect .
Events such as these may partly reflect political currents in the real world. At the time of the
protests against FN in January
, the aftershocks of the vicious race riots of late
were
reverberating across the French political landscape, compounded by street violence marking
their first anniversary in October
.
There are other examples of real‐world politics being
played out in violent fashion in SL, as we have already seen in part with the War of Jessie Wall.
Au
Fanon
Astier
a
, p.
.
44
During
‐
, the Spanish socialist government, led by the Spanish Socialists Workers’
Party PSOE , was in bitter dispute with the opposition Popular Party PP . The PP accused the
Zapatero government of capitulating to Basque nationalist separatist organisation Euskadi Ta
Askatasuna ETA by tabling a renewed process of dialogue.
)n the aftermath of the March
Madrid train bombings a sensitised public repeatedly took to the streets in support of the
opposition line of no negotiation with terrorists .
)n May
, the PP and PSOE accused one
another of instigating arson attacks at their respective SL headquarters, and of using batteries of
weapons against one another. A PP spokesman reportedly said, We have denounced the
terrorists before the Second Life commission .
Echoing some responses to the FN protests, some residents actively resented the intrusion of
real‐world politics into Second Life. )n March
, then )talian Minister of )nfrastructure,
Antonio Di Pietro, bought an island in SL with the intention of promoting political, social and
economic debate. This led to resident protests, with one telling a reporter from La Stampa, )t
doesn t seem right to make this a photocopy of real life, we get enough politics there already .
This may also have been the reason for the vandalism of Democratic presidential candidate John
Edwards campaign headquarters in February
Republican activists were responsible,
Patriotic Nigras, did it for the lulz .
. Although initial indications were that
it was later announced that notorious griefers, the
These disruptive activities are often successful in effecting real change, usually by causing
politicians to abandon inworld activities, as in the case of the Edwards and Di Pietro cases
Abend
Wood
Reuters
Kington
Brownlee
Cabron
, author s translation.
; lulz , internet slang for laughing at someone else s expense, Schadenfreude.
45
above.
This effectively closes down a communications channel previously available to
politicians and political groups, unless they are as hard‐headed as Front National perhaps.
)t is hard to establish whether the violence meted out to Front National served any political
utility. The SLLU claimed not to use violence, the SLLA s involvement is uncertain, and almost
nothing is known about AntiFNsl s activities at this time. All three groups, however, voiced their
opposition to the FN s presence in SL, as did neighbouring businesses who feared their
commercial interests would be harmed. )f violence were deployed it appears not to have
directly served anyone s interests, except for fuelling FN s publicity campaign. The types of
cartoonish actions undertaken by protestors undoubtedly disrupted the smooth running of the
sims on which the FN was present. This actually did draw attention to a key problem within SL,
that of the nature of free speech and expression, although it is debatable this was the purpose of
the violence. )t is notable that Linden remained almost silent throughout the affair, perhaps
hoping that the protests would die down and they would not be forced to address this complex
and divisive issue.
)n this, they seem to have been granted their wish.
From Linden s
perspective, FN almost certainly were careful not to fall foul of community guidelines and they
therefore preferred not to bow to activist pressure and intervene.
Despite the relatively transient effects of the FN protests they remain important to the evolution
of SL as a platform for political expression. Although the means employed to eject FN from
Porcupine were mostly comic, they did represent a groundswell of opposition to a political
party of whom many SL residents vehemently disapproved. The FN, coming from a more
heavily regulated European environment, were experienced in keeping within the law – in this
case, the less restrictive community norms loosely based on the US constitution, particularly the
First Amendment as applies to the freedoms of speech and expression. Such transnational
friction will undoubtedly occur more often in cyberspace, as will the fluidity of the
inworld/outworld distinction in the realm of politics.
This is particularly true when we
46
consider the potential use of SL as a platform by violent actors like al‐Qaeda and other extremist
groups.
47
5 ________________________________________________________________________
Conclusion
[T]he balancing act facing us is to argue simultaneously that virtual worlds have important implications
as well as untapped possibilities as a cultural form and a social expression while also saying that they re
not nearly so important as some people think they are.
– Timothy Burke
The key question is: does any of this really matter? )s Second Life merely an iteration of real
life, as posited by author and essayist Jenny Diski?
)s there something new about these types
of violence that should concern governments and security agencies?
Chapter
has described episodes of violence in Second Life. We have seen that violence
principally takes the form of disruptive activities aimed at persons and property which can
severely compromise residents experience of the world for those who do not consent to
participation. )f we accept that a theory of virtual violence incorporates an element of physical
presence in virtual spaces we can begin to see how violence can intrude upon residents
physical bodies as represented as avatars. Avatars are the means by which inworld actions are
mediated, even if ultimately the seat of experience lies in real‐world cognition. The forms of
violence described here could perhaps be best considered as symbolic, and valid within
Abbink s weak anthropological definition. Riches primary/secondary distinction between
physical and non‐physical violence is perhaps therefore inverted: in virtual spaces, violence is
primarily symbolic, performative and communicative; its secondary attributes are physical,
principally through the denial of operating space accorded to avatars. Although many actions
Burke
Diski
48
would understandably appear to be laughable to the outside observer, these forms of virtual
violence do have functional aspects.
David Resnick has defined three types of internet politics: those within the net, dealing with the
internal politics of virtual communities; those impacting the net, such as control, regulation, and
censorship; and political uses of the net, for the purposes of effecting social and political change
in the physical world.
What the case studies reveal is that these categories are malleable and
not conveniently demarcated, and that violence, which forms part of politics, contra Arendt, can
shift functionally over very short periods of time. The War of Jessie Wall began as an internal
conflict that quickly drew in real‐world concerns, the latter not being much considered by
Resnick. Resnick s theory of political uses of the net was up‐ended: instead of effecting political
change in the real world, the real world impacted on the virtual one. The SLLA were an internal
political entity using violence to change inworld society, although borrowing heavily from
historical revolutionary movements. The conflict over Front National arguably was intended to
produce change in the real world – even if the protests themselves were counter‐productive –
although internal society was the principal battlespace. Other examples of inworld political
violence show that change can be effected outworld.
After the SLLA s actions in
Qaeda terrorists in Second Life.
‐ , news stories began to circulate about the presence of al‐
According to these reports, terrorists were using SL as a
platform for training, recruitment and money‐laundering – assertions that seem to be devoid of
factual basis. Despite these claims, virtual worlds occur in a variety of horizon‐scanning
strategic literature, particularly as channels for money‐laundering and terrorist recruitment.
Government agencies have considered the potential of virtual world platforms to facilitate acts
of terrorism. Perhaps best known is the US )ntelligence Advanced Research Projects Activity s
Resnick
Economist
, Gourlay & Taher
, O Brien
a, b
49
Reynard Program, proposed in
and reformulated in
as a program to profile virtual
world users and link their behavioural characteristics to real‐world actors, with the ultimate
goal of automatically spotting terrorist activities in virtual worlds.
(igh‐level workshops
have been held in Washington, DC, on the use of virtual worlds by terrorists,
Congressional hearing addressed this issue in April
.
)n September
and an entire
, a Pentagon
researcher showed how World of Warcraft could be used to plan an attack on the White
(ouse.
Terrorists are always likely to utilise any available technology to their advantage but most
government initiatives are speculative and predicated on a very narrow view of virtual worlds.
All consider virtual worlds as platforms for the transference of political activity from the virtual
to the real world, Resnick s political uses of the net, in this case, terrorism. This is entirely
consistent with most institutional discourses of cyberspace, which regard it principally as a
threat .
The conceptual roots of this perspective are historical. Some of the consternation
surrounding virtual worlds and terrorism was perhaps pre‐empted by Marshall McLuhan:
drawing on Kierkegaard s The Concept of Dread
, McLuhan observed in
wherever a new environment goes around an old one there is always new terror .
that
Although
cyberspace does not yet wholly circumscribe all of human experience, McLuhan was essentially
correct, whether the technology under consideration is the printing press, telegraph, television
or the internet.
A focus on the virtual to real bleed‐through of political violence excludes proper consideration
of violence within virtual spaces, and its relationships with physicality and inworld
http://www.iarpa.gov/solicitations_reynard.html, accessed July
Cochran
http://archives.energycommerce.house.gov/cmte_mtgs/
‐ti‐hrg.
accessed July
.
Schachtman
, Toavs
(oskins & O Loughlin
, Stevens
CBC
.
.VirtualWorlds.shtml,
50
socialisation, in particular the experience of communities largely mediated via cyberspace.
Boellstorff has noted that '[n]ot everything connected to virtual worlds is new; it is imperative
that we ascertain what elements are new and in what ways they are new'.
Violence in a non‐
gaming world like SL is, whilst a manifestation of ancient impulses and enmities, simultaneously
a new expression of violence on account of changing experiences of the body in cyberspace and
of social environments mediated almost entirely in electronic space.
The velocity and
transnational character of such spaces will increase and we can expect growing emotional,
economic and political investment in them. Whilst this might not constitute the exodus to
virtual worlds proposed by Castronova, or the Cyburbia of James (arkin, it seems inevitable
that more people will spend more time in more virtual worlds.
Violence as a characteristic of
human nature will occur in these environments, and will evolve in form, and perhaps function,
as these places also develop. This is true for complex information environments in general,
whose relationship with violence will continue to evolve rapidly.
This exploration of virtual violence has concentrated on the non‐gaming world of Second Life
but interesting trends are discernible in gaming worlds also. Linden Lab has consistently
maintained that it holds true to a cyber‐utopian ethos but it is more accurate to describe their
form of governance as libertarian paternalism .
Other coding authorities have governed with
much less intervention. The owners of EveOnline, a vast and staggeringly complex science
fiction universe, effectively capitulated to the wishes of many of its players and allowed them to
form a Council of Stellar Management which, despite having little real power within the game,
permits players to govern many aspects of gameplay themselves.
Similar uprisings have
occurred in Lineage 2 and World of Warcraft against inworld political entities deemed
Boellstorff, op. cit., p. .
Castronova
, (arkin
Lia
, ch. .
Sunstein & Thaler
; see also Malaby
Óskarsson
51
unacceptable by players.
What are significant are not the rebellions themselves but that
players cared enough about their online lives to instigate them.
)n June
, an obscure blog quietly announced that an avatar named Ruth had teleported
from SL to an open source, non‐proprietary OpenSimulator virtual world server outside SL.
This interoperability opens up possibilities that virtual worlds ‐ and, eventually, the web –
might begin to form a more coherent landscape than the current firewalled constituents of the
virtual archipelago: the much‐heralded Metaverse of ardent techno‐enthusiasts.
This has
significant implications not only for coding authorities but also for real‐world political
authorities whose citizens might, more than ever before, dwell in a global virtual environment
beyond extant means of control and regulation. Users, residents, citizens of this world may have
ideas of self‐governance substantially divergent from the sustenance, reliance and protection
derived from traditional states.
Virtual violence might not be as stomach‐churning or as demonstrably destructive of social
cohesion as terrorism, insurgency and war but it may play a variety of roles in future
cyberspace. Second Life shows that the real and virtual worlds are intricately intertwined at
multiple cognitive, physical, emotional, political and economic levels. Violence is part of this
social landscape – it matters to those who use it and to those who experience it. Second Life may
be a harbinger of future forms of violence, but this should not be overstated. The violations and
transgressions of wholly physical violence will for the foreseeable future remain the more
important and distressing products of the clash of political wills.
Another Perfect World
Ewry
Smart et al
; Metaverse concept from Stephenson
52
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